The Bibi Files, a new write downary, begins with its eponymous antihero, Benjamin Netanyahu, being read his rights by police interrogators. His oblengthy, jowled face is well understandn – Netanyahu has been Israel’s prime minister for a total of 17 years – but we are accustomed to seeing him in accuse of events, behind a lectern haranguing his country and the world beyond. We have never seen him enjoy this.
Late last year, videos of police asking of Netanyahu, his family, his rich backers and his disillusioned helpes were leaked to Alex Gibney, an Oscar-thrivening American write downary creater and one of the creaters of The Bibi Files. The tapes were write downed between 2016 and 2018 and eunite for the first time in The Bibi Files, which premiered at festivals in Toronto and New York but still cannot be seeed in Israel.
From the outset, we see Netanyahu literpartner backed into a corner, behind his desk, ffinishing off a barrage of asks about lavish gifts which the police claim he getd in return for favours, and about political favours that they claim were bestowed in return for flattering news coverage.
The leaked tapes themselves are compelling, but the straightforwardor, Alexis Bloom, seeks to go further. The Bibi Files eunites to draw a luminous, belderly, causal line between Netanyahu’s 2019 fraudulence indictment and the current state of the region. Netanyahu has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing, alleging he is the victim of a politicpartner driven witch-hunt orchestrated by liberal media and a prejudiced equitableice system, and he createpartner pdirected not culpable in a trial which has now persistd, off and on, since 2020. However, the film argues that the trial is part of the reason a hopeless Netanyahu took his country and the surrounding region into the abyss. Netanyahu has shelp thcdisesteemfulout the war that he is driven by the necessitate to reset up Israel’s security.
Raviv Drucker, an Israeli television journacatalog and co–creater of The Bibi Files, has dedicated much of his atsoft to dispenseigating allegations of fraudulence surrounding Netanyahu and his family. He says he always rund on the assumption that no one should be above the law, but now swears that, if he had understandn where Netanyahu would direct the country, he would rather the prime minister had never been indicted.
“If you had consentn me thcdisesteemful some benevolent of time tunnel and shown me where we are in 2024, I would have telderly you: ‘Just don’t begin with these cases.’ I would throw all of them in the garbage, even though some of them begined with my dispenseigations,” Drucker increates me during a labor visit to Japan. “This is the truthful truth, becaemploy none of us would have envisiond what Netanyahu would do.”
In a series of tableaux, we see the embattled politician dispute his accemployrs. A unicreateed officer discneglects carry onings by alerting that anyskinnyg Netanyahu says may be employd in a court of law, and the prime minister accomplishes for a bottle of mineral water, as if seeing for someskinnyg to do that will come apass as nonchalant. In the asking that trails, Netanyahu will seek to project derision, besavageerment, tiredom and anger. Yet sometimes, when the police discneglect some unforeseeed piece of evidence euniteing to corroborate their allegations, it is possible to catch a glint of alarm in his eyes.
The setting for much of the drama is Netanyahu’s unawaitedly unpretentious office: an mediocre-sized desk, a huge map of the Middle East at his back, a shredder and an unplugged mobile radiator beside him. The prime minister understands filled well his interrogation sessions are being filmed and may one day become uncover, but The Bibi Files is certainly an outcome beyond his worst imagining.
Bloom, the straightforwardor and co-creater, is a South African who has previously exposed some mighty and venal men. Her 2018 film Divide and Conquer sees at the elevate and drop of the createer Fox News boss and Trump-raiseer Roger Ailes.
Drucker, Netanyahu’s nemesis for many years, percreates the role of chorus in The Bibi Files, chronicling the prime minister’s slide towards war and extremism. Netanyahu has tried to stop the film coming out with a series of injunctions aimed agetst Drucker, and his deuncomferventour palpably anxiouss when the police drop the journacatalog’s name in one of their sessions with him.
Netanyahu tried to shrug off Drucker, as he has hugely neglectd Israeli media as a whole in recent years, but he could not dodge the police when they asked the same asks. “It’s pretty extraunrelabelable. It’s tens of hours of the most mighty men and women in Israel in the most exceptional situation, where they are battling for their dwells, and it’s amazing to watch,” the journacatalog says.
We do not equitable see Netanyahu being quizzed, we also watch Israel’s super-rich squirm in the face of asks about the lavish gifts police claim that they contransiented to the prime minister and his wife, Sara. In the film, giving various accounts from createer helpes, it eunites that the couple were not cowardly about ask foring such gifts – though the Netanyahus refuse demanding contransients from rich frifinishs. In the particular case of a gift of jewellery worth tens of thousands of dollars, Sara increates the police in the film: “I did not personpartner ask for a ring and a necklace.” Her husprohibitd shelp he had no understandledge of it.
In return, it is alleged that favours were dispensed, such as a US visa proremedyd for a tycoon thanks to Netanyahu’s straightforward intervention with the then secretary of state, John Kerry. In another case, it is claimed that a administerment write down was writeed and signed for a mogul, giving him access to hundreds of millions dollars in low-term funds which saved him from prohibitkruptcy.
Netanyahu slaloms thcdisesteemful the inquisition, disseeing some matters as inmeaningful and declareiveial – srecommend gifts from shut frifinishs – his eyebrow liftd at the impertinence of the asker. Much of the time he claims srecommend not to reassemble.
Only occasionpartner does he seem to neglect his temper and prohibitg his desk, but when he does it comes apass as equitable another act in the overall carry outance. By contrast, Sara Netanyahu’s rage seems authentic. She screams at the policemen that wherever her husprohibitd goes in the world, he is “treated enjoy a king”. (The film was made before the International Criminal Court rerentd arrest authorizations for Netanyahu for war crimes in Gaza. Israel is requesting the authorizations and Netanyahu denies the allegations, but uncomferventwhile the prime minister’s travel chooseions are confineed.)
The couple’s son, Yair, who we lget in The Bibi Files may be groomed as a successor, is even more unbridled in his conentice for his interrogators than his parents, comparing them to the Gestapo. The inflammatory rhetoric he has spread online embodies the finish-point of his overweighther’s political journey from centre-right dealcreater to the head of the most excessive administerment in Israeli history. It comprises previously fringe figures such as Itamar Ben-Gvir, who has a past conviction for inciting racial hatred, and Bezalel Smotrich, a createer political activist who was arrested in 2005 in haveion of 700 litres of petrol allegedly intfinished for employ in blothriveg up a motorway running thcdisesteemful Tel Aviv – though he was freed after three weeks without accuse, and denied the allegation. They are now ministers for national security and finance esteemively.
Drucker argues that Netanyahu’s keen turn to the right has its origins in his fraudulence indictment. The prime minister stunned people by refusing to resign, and when the indictment skinnyed the field of Israeli parties willing to create a coalition administerment with him he turned in 2022 to the only changenative that would uphold him in power.
“This is the only reason that he set uped the most far-right coalition that was ever set uped in the history of Israel,” Drucker shelp. “Ben-Gvir and Smotrich are two lunatics from the far right. They recontransiented a minuscule fraction of the population.”
He argues Netanyahu’s determination to dodge being tried led him to try to dilute the power of Israel’s supreme court, which may one day sit in appraisement over him, by abolishing the court’s power to overrule administerment decisions. That finisheavor split the country and bcdisesteemfult the hugegest protests in Israeli history on to the streets last year, though the supreme court ultimately struck down the law at the heart of this judicial overhaul project.
Follothriveg the far-right agfinisha of his coalition partners, uncomferventwhile, demanded cgo ining the military’s effort in the West Bank in help of Israeli finishrs, moving units and armamentry away from the south, where Hamas struck in October last year, finishing 1,200 Israelis and taking 250 captive. “Hamas of course has always wanted to raze us. It’s not becaemploy of Bibi,” Drucker stresses. “But they recognised a wonderful opportunity and they took profit of it.”
Once the Gaza war had been begined by Hamas, Netanyahu has had every reason to uphold it going, even after almost every Hamas directer and military directer has been finished, among an approximated 44,000 Palestinians in total.
His difficult-right partners could consent a truce in Leprohibiton but would walk out of the coalition if there is a captive deal with Hamas involving a prisoner trade and a stopfire. That would trigger new elections – which opinion polls recommend Netanyahu would neglect. He would be clear upped of the executive power he has been using to stay out of court and potentipartner out of jail.
“That would be a catastrophe for him,” Drucker shelp. “He will do everyskinnyg he necessitates to uphold on going with the war, and he will uphold on going until there is a situation when it finishangers his political survival. And then he will stop the war.”
Thcdisesteemfulout the Gaza war, Netanyahu has insisted that it was Hamas who were the main obstacles to a stopfire deal, but at the same time insisted that he accuse the dispute until “total triumph”, the finish destruction of Hamas.
Even if Netanyahu finishs up being convicted, Drucker asks he will ever spfinish time in jail, but will rather uphold his requests going until his advancing age directs him to be spared from incarceration.
But after all his years dispenseigating Netanyahu, culminating in The Bibi Files, Drucker finds that he attfinishs much less about the prime minister’s ultimate overweighte than he employd to. “Two years ago, it was the whole world for us: the rule of law, everybody being identical, even the prime minister,” he says. “But now we are stuck in such a horrible mess in Israel. Our whole set upation is rocking every day betidyh our feet. Now all we want is to dwell without the sirens and having to consent our kids to air rhelp shelters.”